Counterculture
Inc.
Ten
years on, our corporate brand-setters have successfully
co-opted the lessons in Naomi Klein’s No Logo
By
Andrew Potter
Recently,
the 10-year anniversary edition of Naomi Klein’s No Logo
appeared in bookstores, complete with a new introduction
by Klein herself. Released in early 2000, No Logo
was an impeccably timed report on a growing youth movement
that was rising up in response to the new-world-order agenda
of liberalized trade, corporate outsourcing and political
deregulation that became known as “globalization.”
Klein’s
writing caught the wave of anti-globalization protests that
swept across the planet a decade ago, beginning with the
massive and violent protest against the WTO meeting in Seattle
in November 1999. Almost immediately, wherever world leaders
gathered—APEC conferences, G8 summits, trade negotiations—they
would be met with street protests and a parallel meeting
of the planet’s angry marginalia, including counterculturalists,
environmentalists, socialists, labor organizations and human-rights
activists. No Logo was quickly adopted as the movement’s
bible and, along with Nalgene water bottles and khaki cargo
pants, became an essential part of the general-issue battle
kit for campus lefties of the time.
What
are we to make of No Logo a decade on? It remains
a stunningly passionate and ambitious snapshot of the newly
globalized youth and consumer culture at the end of the
20th century. It is also an often infuriating work of agitprop
that marries old Marxist prejudices about the market economy
to a paranoid and conspiratorial account of the business
of advertising.
If
that was all there was to the book, it would be enough to
dismiss it as a period piece, the journalistic equivalent
to a box of old Polaroids. Sweatshops, the McLibel trial,
Brent Spar . . . weren’t those the days? But that would
be a mistake, since it would miss the way in which, in its
quest to undermine the branded economy and expose the capitalist-consumer
propaganda that motivates all advertising, No Logo
inadvertently served as the most influential marketing manual
of the decade.
The
organizing conceit of No Logo is the notion that
the American economy has stopped making things and is now
focused on managing brands: Where once a corporation might
have actually employed domestic workers to make its jeans
or sneakers or computers, now companies such as Tommy Hilfiger
or Nike or Dell simply market their brand images while outsourcing
the manufacturing to low-cost factories overseas. The power
that this gives to corporations is enormous, and we find
ourselves at the whim of these brand bullies.
Why “bullies”? Klein’s case against brands comes at it from
two angles. The first is the way that brands—and commercial
advertising in general—have come to dominate our mental
environment. Brands have co-opted popular culture and colonized
our sense of self. Forget about your education or your job,
your church or your family, what matters to your social
status and personal identity in North America today is the
brands you consume.
The
second aspect has to do with the erosion of public space
and the political sphere. The financial power they get from
their brands has given corporations a great deal of political
leverage, which they use to bend national governments to
their will, forcing them to drop trade barriers, lower taxes,
deregulate markets and eliminate environmental protection.
Take these two arguments together, and we are left with
a world where corporations, not governments, rule, and where
consumerism has almost entirely displaced citizenship. We
are modern-day serfs, nearly helpless in the face of the
power of these feudal brand lords.
Nearly helpless, but not entirely. The corporation’s greatest
strength is also its biggest weakness, and much of No
Logo is devoted to documenting the ways that small groups
of committed activists retaliated by turning the power of
the brand back on itself. But 10 years later, the rule of
the brand is more entrenched than ever, largely thanks to
lessons learned from a close reading of No Logo.
The book devotes a great deal of attention to the various
strategies of anti-brand activism that were coming into
play at the time. Joining the old-school consumer boycott
were newfangled techniques such as guerrilla marketing,
culture jamming (ad parodies, basically), and Reclaim the
Streets initiatives aimed at reversing the “commodification
and criminalization of street culture.”
However
edgy or subversive these strategies once might have seemed,
every single one is now a standard part of the tool kit
of every advertising agency and brand manager. You think
culture jamming is subversive? Kenneth Cole has been jamming
its own advertising for years, embroidering its campaigns
with slogans and quotations addressing topics such as AIDS,
homelessness, gun control, same-sex marriage. Guerrilla
marketing might have once been a cool way of getting attention
for your new alternative band or performance-art installation,
but today—thanks to the viral capabilities of Twitter and
YouTube—the technique is used to sell everything from fried
chicken to the latest Hollywood blockbuster.
And
what of the Reclaim the Streets party that Klein held up
as emblematic of all that was good and true about the movement?
It’s still going strong, and it now involves such activities
as pillow fights on Bay Street in Toronto, epic games of
kick the can in Brooklyn, and mobile dance parties on London’s
public transit. It has been rebranded as the Urban Playground
Movement, and its incredible popularity has attracted the
attention of corporate sponsors like Red Bull and T-Mobile,
who are dying to associate themselves with such a hip scene.
Klein
certainly recognizes how much things have changed over the
past decade, and she even opens her new introduction to
No Logo with two telling examples. The first is Absolut
Vodka, which in 2009 launched a bottle with no label or
logo, to “manifest the idea, that no matter what’s on the
outside, it’s the inside that really matters.” Then there’s
Starbucks, which has tried recently to return to its coffeehouse
roots by opening a handful of unbranded stores. As Klein
wryly observes, “The techniques of branding have both thrived
and adapted since I published No Logo.”
Yet
while Klein is tempted to interpret this last example as
a case of companies trying to escape their own brands, the
truth is a bit more subtle. What both Absolut and Starbucks
are trying to do here is position themselves as brands that
are delivering honesty, integrity and self-fulfillment.
They are selling not just vodka or coffee but also authenticity,
which is ironic, given that one of the things that No
Logo found so unpleasant about the contemporary brandscape
was how inauthentic it was.
All
brands are built around a unique promise or selling proposition,
but as Klein argued, whatever a brand is supposed to stand
for, it has little to do with the material facts of how
the product is actually manufactured. Thanks to the wave
of outsourcing that devastated domestic manufacturing in
the ’90s, Nike’s “Just Do It” pledge of individual achievement
and Apple’s attitude of hip nonconformity masked some grim
new realities—sweatshops, damaged communities and an exploited
environment.
The
genius of the type of anti-corporate activism chronicled
in No Logo was that it used this gap between what
a brand promised to consumers and how its corporate parent
actually behaved, to perform a neat bit of public relations
jiu-jitsu. When their bad faith was revealed to the world,
the economic strength of the brand bullies suddenly became
a major liability and the need to preserve shareholder value
forced companies such as Shell and Nike to get their act
together and make sure their corporate deeds aligned with
their marketing froth.
A decade on, there is no question who won that fight. From
eco- to organic, fair trade to locally sourced, sweatshop-safe
to dolphin-friendly, sales pitches that 10 years ago would
have reeked of patchouli oil and set the Red baiters on
full alert are now thoroughly mainstream. To give just two
examples, today former lunatic-fringe companies like Whole
Foods (and its quarterly “5% Day,” when each location donates
5 percent of its net sales to a nonprofit) or Vermont-based
Seventh Generation (a natural soap and detergent company
devoted to all forms of sustainability and whose CEO is
known as the “inspired protagonist”) are massively successful
corporate operations.
The
upshot is that when it comes to brand strategies today,
it is all about authenticity. Virtually every marketing
book published in the past few years—including such bestsellers
as Martin Lindstrom’s Buyology, and Authenticity: What
Consumers Really Want by James Gilmore and Joseph Pine—has
stressed the primacy of authenticity as a selling point.
Everyone agrees that the quest for authenticity is the contemporary
advertising equivalent of the search for the Holy Grail,
and being able to play the authenticity game is now a fundamental
requirement of marketing, the standard against which all
brand strategies are judged.
At
this point, one might expect Naomi Klein to raise her hands
and declare victory. The days when Shell, McDonald’s, Nike
and others could Bigfoot around the planet while ignoring
their public responsibilities are gone, their behavior transformed,
thanks to the efforts of a relatively small but highly vocal,
motivated and intelligent group of connected activists.
The taming of the brand bullies is all the proof you need
that corporations don’t own brands, consumers do.
Yet
Klein is not happy. In a remarkably self-aware passage toward
the end of No Logo, she points out that there has
to be more to environmentalism than an Energy Saver sticker
on your computer monitor and more to social justice than
a Fair Trade logo on your coffee mug. The danger, she says,
is that if all politics becomes absorbed into consumer politics,
you end up with the wholesale privatization of what was
once the democratic responsibility of the public sphere.
That
is why Klein is so unappreciative of what would appear to
be a great triumph for her side. Her goal was never to merely
change corporate behavior. It was to change the entire economic
system. As she sees it, the newfound emphasis on selling
authenticity is just further evidence of the ability of
capitalism to co-opt dissent and exploit seemingly subversive
niches. Reform is always the enemy of revolution, and any
change that maintains the overall status quo is to be viewed
with suspicion. As Klein stresses, writing about branding
was only ever an excuse to talk about politics, and what
led her to reengage with the discourse of marketing after
10 years was the emergence of the first U.S. president who
is also a “superbrand,” Barack Obama.
In
the new introduction to No Logo, she denounces Obama
as little more than a neocon who has wrapped himself in
the branding of truly transformative political movements.
Shamelessly helping himself to the iconography of Che Guevara,
the rhetorical cadences of Martin Luther King, and his “Yes
We Can” slogan from Latin American migrant workers, as far
as Klein is concerned, the Obama brand circa 2009 is just
as hollow, and ultimately just as inauthentic, as the corporate
brands she X-rayed a decade before. Whenever possible, she
alleges, Obama “favors the grand symbolic gesture over deep
structural change.” He was happy to play the role of the
“anti-war, anti-Wall Street party crasher” when running
for the Democratic nomination, but promptly cut bipartisan
deals “with crazed Republicans once in the White House.”
You
can see where Klein is going with this. In No Logo,
she argued that it is simply not enough for anti-brand activists
to persuade Nike to improve its production methods or for
McDonalds to fix its environmental problems. Similarly,
today it is not good enough for the most liberal president
in ages to settle for half a loaf when the alternative is
going hungry. In both cases, the problem she diagnoses is
that a profoundly corrupt system is left intact, and any
suggestion that things might have changed, if marginally,
for the better is dismissed as just more marketing spin.
Still,
Klein claims to spy an ironic sort of hope in Obama’s victory.
Just as the success of socially conscious branding is a
sign that there is a longing out there for equality, diversity
and public space, the well of hope and expectation that
Obama was able to plumb is decisive proof that there is
still tremendous appetite for social justice. That he has
failed to deliver is almost beside the point: The market
research is done, and all that is left is for genuine transformative
social movements to exploit the niche.
This
gets the order of exploitation exactly backward. A more
likely consequence is something roughly parallel to what
happened over the past decade in the consumer realm, where
the very brand-driven corporate hegemony that No Logo
so forcefully critiqued came back stronger than ever.
For
all its faith in a transformative grassroots political movement,
the principal legacy of No Logo was that it served
as a research manual for corporations looking to sell their
products to consumers looking for meaning, integrity and
purpose in their shopping cart. Ten years on, Naomi Klein
is still waiting for the revolution and scarcely seems to
notice that she continues to provide invaluable marketing
advice to her opponents.
Andrew Potter is co-author of The Rebel Sell: Why
the Culture Can’t Be Jammed. This article first appeared
in Canadian Business Magazine. Source:featurewell.com.