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| Back
on the job: members of the Arbor Hill community accountability
board, (l-r) Charles LeCourt, William Payne, Barbara Smith,
and Victor Collier.
photo:Chris
Shields
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Justice
by the People
Albany
DA restarts community boards that make quality-of-life offenders
take responsibility for their actions
‘There’s
no such thing as a victimless offense,” said Albany County
District Attorney David Soares last Thursday night. “When
someone smashes a bottle on the street, there is a victim;
it’s the community. . . . A young man who b
rought
his friends in the neighborhood to buy marijuana might say
‘I didn’t force anyone to buy pot,’ but he has presented his
community as a drug market. There is a victim.”
Soares
was addressing a group that had gathered at the Capital Region
Prayer and Healing Center at North Lake and Clinton avenues
to hear about community accountability boards and consider
participating in one.
CABs are a form of alternative sentencing. Low-level, nonviolent
offenders can be referred to them with the agreement of the
prosecuting attorney and the defense counsel. When offenders
appear before the board, a group of people from their community,
they are expected to explain their actions, listen to a discussion
of how they’ve affected their community and/or the specific
victim if there is one, and take full responsibility for what
they’ve done. Then the board, the offender, and the victim,
if present, collaboratively create a “reparative accountability
agreement” that may include restitution, victim-offender dialogue,
apology letters, community service, and items that will help
the offenders get their lives together, such as job training,
substance abuse evaluation, or further education.
>From
2003 to 2004, Soares ran a community accountability board
in Arbor Hill as part of the District Attorney’s office Community
Prosecution Initiative. Out of approximately 120 cases that
the Arbor Hill board saw, there were only about 20 violations
of the agreements, said Soares—an incredibly low rate for
the criminal-justice system. The board members resigned in
June 2004 after Soares was fired by then-DA Paul Clyne. Soares
promised that when he took office he would restart and expand
the program.
The CABs are being organized by Community Prosecution Coordinator
Amanda Paeglow, who coordinated the original one under Soares.
First, she said, the Arbor Hill board, with many of the original
members, will go back into operation, and will serve as a
model and training ground for people interested in starting
new boards in their neighborhoods or towns. After attending
a training session, interested people will sit in on at least
one meeting of the Arbor Hill board to see how the process
works in real life.
At Thursday’s meeting, two people who had appeared before
the board spoke about how it helped them get their lives back
on track, and board members spoke of the power of being involved
directly in the process. “There was crying, a lot of crying,
and a lot of laughter,” said board member Charles LeCourt.
“There were these young wannabe thugs, who realized there
was another way to go.”
“People
regained faith in themselves, even though we were tough and
didn’t let them snow us,” said “Mother” Conway, another board
member.
“The
traditional idea of punishment [is that] we identify what
kind of harm the offender committed and we inflict some kind
of proportionate harm back on the offender,” said David Karp,
an associate professor of sociology at Skidmore College who
has done research on community accountability boards across
the country. “That’s really a passive idea of someone taking
responsibility for their crime. In this model, the focus is
on offenders taking active responsibility.”
Karp, who has been following CABs since the Vermont Department
of Corrections started the first ones in 1996, provides the
training for Albany County’s CAB members. The training has
a few goals, said Karp. First, it moves people beyond two
common misconceptions: that they will be acting as either
a judge or a therapist. “The model doesn’t give them authority
to do either one,” noted Karp. Karp and Paeglow both said
that people who aren’t appropriate for the model tend to self-select
out after the training.
The training also involves role playing to train people in
how to deal with common situations and get them used to asking
questions in an “open and nonjudgmental way.” For example,
said Karp, “Someone with a religious background might ask
an offender ‘When did you last go to church?’ You can see
that’s a very biased question, and there’s an intention there
about how people should live. The open version of the question
might be ‘What in your life gives you guidance?’ ”
Karp’s example touches on a concern that some have had about
the boards, since a large portion of board members so far
have come from strongly Christian backgrounds. “The only way
that religion should be brought up is if the individual going
before the board brings it up,” said Paeglow. “Otherwise it’s
not supposed to be talked about. The church will be brought
up in a lot of cases, and if you want to go there, we can
help you.”
When the first Arbor Hill board was in operation, Paeglow
spent most of her part-time work week helping offenders who
had appeared before the board carry out their reparative agreements,
from overseeing community service projects to helping people
identify training programs or navigate social-service bureaucracies.
As the boards expand across the county, interns will share
that case-management burden. At the moment, Paeglow has seven,
from the College of St. Rose, University at Albany, and Schenectady
County Community College.
As of Monday, 23 of the 25 slots for Saturday’s training were
full (future trainings will be scheduled), and Paeglow said
more people were contacting her every day. She also noted
that Mayor Ellen McNulty-Ryan of Green Island has expressed
interested in starting a board in the village, and she is
in contact with other municipal leaders.
The commitment for volunteers is to make one meeting per month
for a year, but Soares noted that many board members who expected
to come the minimum amount found themselves coming back every
week because the experience was so powerful.
“The
untold story is what happens to the volunteers,” agreed Karp.
“Unlike something like community policing, there is a direct
connection with an offender.”
—Miriam
Axel-Lute
maxel-lute@metroland.net
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| What
a Week |
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We
Don’t Have the Wireless Prompter Thing Set Up
in Germany Yet
Despite insisting that a recent trip to Germany
by President Bush was intended to restore trans-Atlantic
friendships, U.S. officials abruptly canceled
the “American-style” town-hall meeting trumpeted
as the cornerstone of the visit when German officials
refused to have attendees’ questions approved
in advance by American officials. U.S. officials
later agreed to schedule a new one, on the condition
that two conservative American organizations with
offices in Germany choose the guests. U.S. officials
also asked their German counterparts to require
anyone living or working along the route of the
president’s motorcade to keep their windows shut,
stay inside and otherwise avert their eyes from
the president “to avoid misunderstandings.”
New Yucky
New York was recently ranked the “unhealthiest
state” for diesel pollution in a study conducted
by the Clean Air Task Force. According to the
study, at least one in every 5,000 residents of
the Capital Region will develop cancer due to
inhaling emissions from diesel engines—a rate
that, even in the “safest” of the local counties
(Saratoga) is nearly 200 times the EPA’s accepted
level of cancer risk. Meanwhile, Govs. Pataki
and Schwarzenegger have been calling upon Washington
to allow states to set more strict pollution controls
than the feds set. Yes, that’s two Republican
governors fighting with the White House about
their states’ lack of control over their own well-being.
Now who are the real supporters of “small federal
government?”
So That Constitution Still Means Something
After All
On Tuesday, the Supreme Court abolished the death
penalty for people who were under 18 when they
committed their crimes, saying it violated the
constitutional ban on cruel and unusual punishment.
And on Monday, a federal judge in South Carolina
issued a strongly worded opinion saying that the
administration must either charge or release Jose
Padilla, who has been held in custody for two-and-a-half
years without being charged. The adminstration
has circumvented the usual criminal-justice system
by arguing that Padilla is an “enemy combatant.”
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Count
Them Votes
Can
a bill to fix the nation’s voting problems pass a Republican-controlled
Congress?
Supporters
of the Count Every Vote Act claim that the bill, recently
introduced in the Senate by Hillary Clinton (D-N.Y.), has
more than just a nice name. A provision that would make Election
Day a national holiday may make an overworked American populace
feel the same way, but the bill still faces serious obstacles.
The 65-page bill, which also counts among its sponsors Sens.
Barbara Boxer (D-Calif.), John Kerry (D-Mass.) and (on the
House version) Rep. Stephanie Tubbs-Jones (D-Ohio), would
not only give the country a day off to vote, but would require
a voter-verified paper trail for electronic voting, give people
who committed a felony but completed their sentence the right
to vote, establish uniform standards for purging voter records
and counting provisional and absentee ballots, and provide
for same-day voter registration, among other provisions. The
bill also promises to reduce the waiting time at voting booths
and require electronic voting machine manufacturers to not
only make their source code public but submit detailed information
about anyone who had a hand in programming the machines.
“It’s
the most comprehensive bill we’ve seen regarding this issue,”
said Ed Davis, vice president of policy and research for Common
Cause, a national advocacy group that recently endorsed the
bill.
And while the bill would initially seem capable of living
up to its title, it’s not without its detractors. Some point
to similar bills, also introduced this year in both the House
and Senate, that focus more intently upon the reliability
of voting machines and less upon the voting experience as
a whole (no Election Day holiday or mention of waiting lines),
as a more feasible option for curing the nation’s ballot-box
woes.
“Several
machines would fit the criteria we’re looking for, not just
[electronic voting machines],” explained Barbara Bartoletti,
legislative director for the League of Women Voters’ New York
chapter. According to Bartoletti, voting machines that use
an optical scanning system—which some consider the most secure
and affordable method for casting a vote—instead of the standard
electronic system are not included in Count Every Vote. This,
said Bartoletti, is one of the primary reasons the LWV has
hesitated to endorse the bill.
Bartoletti and other representatives of local advocacy groups
were also quick to point out that New York’s legislators have
yet to reach agreement on the necessary state-level voting
requirements to comply with 2000’s Help America Vote Act.
As one of the last state legislatures to decide what standards
to apply to voting machines, New York stands to lose more
than $200 million if lawmakers can’t settle their differences
by 2006.
According to Davis, partisan politics are likely to provide
the most difficult obstacle to voting legislation on the national
level, too. Republican lawmakers have responded defensively
to recent voting-related bills, with many describing the bills
as simply an effort on behalf of the Democrats to call the
results of the 2004 presidential election into question. Davis
added that the sponsorship of the Count Every Vote Act by
such prominent members of the Democratic party isn’t likely
to win any votes from their Republican counterparts, either.
“It’s
a Republican Senate in a Republican Congress,” said Davis,
“so no matter how good the bill is, it’s not going to have
an easy time.”
—Rick
Marshall
rmarshall@metroland.net
Quiet
Before the Storm
Albany
progressives promise an exciting election year, but haven’t
yet endorsed a mayoral candidate
Ever
since some of the elated crowd at last fall’s primary-night
victory party for Albany County District Attorney David Soares
shouted “You’re next!” at the TV image of Mayor Jerry Jennings,
speculation has abounded about who the new political coalition
that had formed around Soares would run, or at least support,
in the 2005 mayoral race.
So far the public discussion has been remarkably similar to
the RFK Democrats’ Albany-politics message board. An active
thread on building a strategic case against Jennings centers
around themes of closed government, “paternalistic planning
processes,” and his associations with Republicans. A different
thread contains a single message with no responses asking
for thoughts on Archie Goodbee, who announced on Feb. 17 that
he would run against Jennings in the primary.
Goodbee is a retired broadcasting executive, a graduate of
Siena college, ROTC participant, and former president of the
local NAACP. He has said that his priorities include lowering
crime, especially gang and gun violence, dealing with abandoned
buildings, and improving neighborhoods.
Goodbee, who said he was waiting to talk in detail with the
media until he and his “kitchen cabinet” had refined his platform,
did reach out to the Working Families Party and Citizen Action
before announcing, said Karen Scharff, the local WFP chair
and Citizen Action director. Scharff said both organizations
were still meeting to figure out which specific issues within
their usual priorities of “good jobs, good schools, good government,
good quality-of-life” they want to highlight in this year’s
municipal elections. Those issues will be incorporated into
a questionnaire sent to all candidates, and on the basis of
those questionnaires and interviews, endorsements will be
made in April or May, said Scharff. “No decision has been
made yet,” she said.
Helen Desfosses, who made a prominent and unexpected endorsement
of Soares at a key point in the DA race, announced in early
February that she would not run again for Common Council president
and was leaving politics, ending some speculation that she
would be the new coalition’s mayoral candidate. Although the
mayoral race was “more difficult” in this respect, said Scharff,
she said she expected candidates for other city races, especially
Common Council seats, to arise from within the ranks of the
new coalition. Several people promised contested Common Council
races this year. So far, only Councilwoman Shawn Morris (Ward
7) has announced an intention to run for the Common Council
president position.
Bill Washburn, who was very active in the Soares campaign,
echoed the sentiments of many of his fellow volunteers with
a cautious welcome to Goodbee. “I’m glad that Archie Goodbee
has made a decision to run,” he said. “He’s going to raise
some issues and confront the mayor with some issues that he
doesn’t like to talk about on any terms except his own.” But
Washburn acknowledged that it concerned him somewhat that
Goodbee had sat out last year’s district attorney race. “If
anyone’s going to beat the mayor, it needs to be a coalition
of the magnitude David’s was,” he said.
—Miriam
Axel-Lute
maxel-lute@metroland.net
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| photo:
John Whipple |
Thank
You for Your Support
Patricians
for Pataki, a spin-off of Billionaires for Bush, gathered
outside the Senate chambers in the state Capitol on Wednesday
morning to thank the state senators “for their past generosity”
and “increasing our share of the state’s wealth.” “We sincerely
hope that the politicians we buy will continue to provide
good value for [our] money,” said the literature they were
handing out.
Mark
Dunlea, one of the “Patricians,” said the Better Choices for
New York Budget Coalition, which sponsored the group, decided
to make the move into satire to reframe the debate over the
state budget. Tired of always being put in the position of
fighting to keep programs from being cut, the advocates wanted
to instead shift the focus to New York state’s regressive
tax system. Pataki has, and continues to, cut income taxes
for the wealthy, but effectively raises property and sales
taxes, which take a proportionately larger bite out of the
wallets of lower-income people.
“If
we just went back to the 1972 income tax rates,” said Dunlea,
“Ninety-five percent of New Yorkers would get a tax cut and
we would raise $7.5 billion dollars,” which, he said, would
pay for the deficit and the school equity lawsuit, and allow
the state to invest in things that need to be invested in,
like affordable housing.
Why
are Albany charter schools encouraging parents to try to enroll
their students in a new public school, and why is the government
paying for it?
For
nearly a year now, Capital Region mailboxes, airwaves, buses,
newspapers and television channels have been battlegrounds
in the ongoing feud between the city of Albany’s charter schools
and their public counterparts.
You may have seen the most recent postcard—it features a trio
of smiling, multiethnic kids, one looking scholarly with a
pencil in hand, one looking proud in a shirt and tie, one
simply looking happy about the world of possibilities laid
out before her. Behind the children is a paragraph of large,
ominous text, with one section highlighted.
“Under
federal law, students attending Hackett and Livingston [middle
schools] have the right to transfer to a better public school,”
it reads. On the other side, the postcard alerts parents to
a provision of the federal No Child Left Behind Act requiring
that school districts give priority for admissions (and transfers)
to better-performing public schools to low-achieving students,
regardless of where they live. This provision, the postcard
states, would give low-achieving students from low-income
families first preference at Albany’s new middle school at
Kelton Court. (Not that Kelton Court has any performance track
record, but at least the facilities will be newer.)
In addition to recommending that parents phone their children’s
school principal for information, the postcard goes the extra
step of providing the phone number for Albany School District
Superintendent Eva Joseph’s office.
It also lists the postcard’s sender, the Brighter Choice Public
School Choice Project, and in small print states that the
cost of sending this postcard has been paid for by a grant
from the U.S. Department of Education to promote public-school
choice.
So in case you’re keeping score, that’s a federally funded
program encouraging privately funded charter schools to promote
parents’ rights to send children to their publicly funded
competitors. Sure, it sounds strange, but the weirdness doesn’t
end there.
All the other grant recipients are public school districts.
The Brighter Choice Charter Schools of Albany and Buffalo
are the only exceptions.
“It’s
hard for me to know what they’re trying to accomplish with
those postcards,” laughed Eva Joseph. “I’m not entirely sure
what [the charter schools] are hoping to gain.”
According to Brighter Choice founder and chairman Tom Carroll,
the answer is simple. “We’re just making parents aware of
what their public-school choices are,” said Carroll, who was
more than happy to rattle off where the $3.4 million five-year
grant for Albany and Buffalo is being spent.
According to the DOE program that administers the Voluntary
Public School Choice program, the purpose of the grant is
to “support states and school districts in efforts to establish
or expand a public-school choice program.”
Carroll admitted they are using some of the grant for consulting
and administrative support for the charter schools themselves,
which is allowed under the grant, but he pointed out that
significant portions of the grant money have been spent on
programs that support all public-school students, such as
establishing and advertising new tutoring programs around
the region through various nonprofit organizations like the
NAACP and the Boys and Girls Club.
Joseph and other representatives of the local school district
contend that none of the federal money is being spent properly.
“Part of the goal with the grant that they had is to assist
the district in enhancing its choice. It hasn’t done any of
that with the grant,” said Joseph. This accusation makes Carroll
chuckle. The local media blitz is probably the most direct
interpretation of the program intentions, he noted. According
to the DOE Web site, one of the more specific acceptable uses
of the grant money is to “carry out public information campaigns
to inform parents and students about public school choice
opportunities.”
So why target the new Kelton Court middle school in many of
the current fliers?
“The
district is attempting to give preference to the largely white
neighborhood around Kelton Court,” claimed Carroll. Will encouraging
people to leave poorly performing schools for Kelton Court
somehow benefit the charter schools? No, said Carroll, the
charters each have long waiting lists already.
Carroll did, however, agree with Joseph that one key goal
of the grant isn’t being met. According to the program, the
grant money should also be spent creating “partnerships to
implement an interdistrict approach to providing students
with greater public school choice.”
Carroll insisted that Brighter Choice has been more than happy
to work with school-board members from Albany and neighboring
districts, but has met with a “less than receptive” response
(though it has been able to cooperate with Schenectady’s charter
school).
Joseph said the exact opposite is actually the case. “They
haven’t done any [interdistrict cooperation proposals] with
the grant,” she said.
“[The
city school district] is in what we like to call the ‘petulant
phase,’ ” laughed Carroll, adding that if the school district
was so concerned with the way this grant money was being spent,
they should have applied for the grant, too. “It’s like that
old joke: You can’t win the lottery if you don’t play,” he
said.
While Joseph ac knowledged that the Albany School District
did not apply for the grant for various reasons, she expressed
hope that the media campaign will actually benefit the school
district in the end—despite being generated by the district’s
chief competitor.
“Maybe
people will see this as publicity for public schools,” she
said. “I know we’ve been getting a lot of calls since the
[Brighter Choice] campaign started from people interested
in learning about the school system. Wouldn’t that be nice,
if it ended up benefiting us?”
—Rick
Marshall
rmarshall@metroland.net
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| Loose
Ends |
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The
Graduate Student Employee Union [“Hire
Education,” Newsfront, Nov. 4, 2004] reached a
tentative agreement on a new contract with SUNY
on Feb. 18. The contract includes several wage
increases, but also addresses many of the union’s
top priority nonwage issues. In the contract:
a discipline-and- discharge procedure (a first);
28 days of unpaid medical leave with right to
return to work (mostly expected to be used as
parental leave); a fund to mitigate the cost of
fees charged to graduate workers; and another
fund that will direct money to underpaid workers
at the smaller four-year colleges with smaller
budgets. . . . U.S. District Judge Norman Mordue
has ruled on the much ballyhooed voter fraud
lawsuit over the District 3 Albany County
Legislature race [ “Primary, Primary Again,” Trail
Mix, March 25]. He issued a default judgment against
defendants Councilman Michael Brown (Ward 3),
Jestin Williams, Dennis Bagley, Joyce Love, and
Alexander McHugh, because they never bothered
to respond to any summons to appear in court.
Only Ward Leader Jamie Gilkey responded, though
he took the Fifth Amendment 60 times during the
deposition, and wasn’t even willing to admit that
he knew his longtime friend Brown. . . . Talon
News, the conservative media provider whose White
House correspondent, James Guckert (a.k.a. “Jeff
Gannon”), was recently exposed as the administration’s
go-to guy for softball questions—and an anti-gay
gay escort [What a Week, Feb. 17]—has closed down
for a “top-to- bottom” review of its practices.
According to the organization’s Web site, “while
much of [the recent public focus on Talon is]
malicious, [it] has indeed brought some constructive
elements to the surface.”
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